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Francesc-Marc Álvaro | Honra i vaixells
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11 Jun 2012 Honra i vaixells

Whatever name is given to the injection of millions of euros by the EU to the Spanish banks, it is obvious that Spains’s sovereignty is today smaller than yesterday and larger than tomorrow. The European project was created by its states and, in order to salvage it, these have now decided that some of the “sacred” components of their national power can no longer be. Up until a few days ago, the Spanish government (ruled by the People’s Party) and its media entourage considered that a bailout or anything similar would be an unbearable humiliation. For this reason, the word “pride” has been commonplace in the news reports in recent weeks. This official pride was used as an expression of a State nationalism which, at the same time, covered over Rajoy’s fear of losing office if it was finally necessary to ask for help. With the Eurogroup’s agreement, the Galician keeps his chair; which is more than can be said about his authority, which is unquestionably damaged. Indeed, Rajoy is the worst-regarded Spanish politician.

It is believed that the Spanish Admiral Méndez Núñez coined a remark which –apparently uttered or written during the 1860s– perfectly summarises the politics of nationalistic pride above other considerations: “Better honour without a fleet than a fleet without honour”. The whole to-ing and fro-ing regarding the bailout has been governed by this motto. There is one obsession: to keep up appearances and safeguard the Spanish government’s honour. And this nostalgic attitude –which is deeply-rooted in the case of Spain– has proved lethal against the crisis. Zapatero did not put measures in place until he crashed and Rajoy thought that Brussels would fall for his fairy tales. The arrogance of most official interventions has revealed a political class which is incapable of understanding the servitudes of the new global balances and the exact place of Spain within this board game.

The conclusion is clear: both PSOE and PP have been more nationalistic than patriotic against the crisis (to use a widely favoured distinction often applied to Catalonia’s demands). While foreign eyes are scrutinising the Spanish banks, how will the situation be interpreted in Catalonia? On the one hand, the will for establishing the truth in order to stop impunity and create confidence must be deemed as positive. On the other hand, however, Catalanism must not jump to enthusiastic conclusions on the weaknesses of the Madrid that created Bankia and must not forget that cases such as that of Catalunya Caixa raise questions about the responsibility of our (Catalan) elites.

The Catalan Party of Europe –borrowing Enric Juliana’s idea– would have reasons to be hopeful (albeit humbly and cautiously). And it would need to play its cards with audacity. However, let us get ready: while real sovereignty declines, symbolic sovereignty is on the rise. This is why Rajoy flew yesterday to Poland: the very last invincible armada is the Spanish football team.